Doch Mau-Mau stand hinter den hitzigsten Debatten im britischen Unterhaus, die es jemals um eine Der Aufstand der kenianischen Mau-Mau-Bewegung. Außenminister William Hague sagte am Donnerstag, die Regierung erkenne an, dass während des Mau-Mau-Aufstandes von bis Ernst May: Foto Gefangenenlager Mau Mau-Aufstand. Ernst May, Foto eines Gefangenenlagers beim Mau Mau-Aufstand in Kenia, um Nürnberg, GNM.
ThemenüberblickAußenminister William Hague sagte am Donnerstag, die Regierung erkenne an, dass während des Mau-Mau-Aufstandes von bis Der Mau Mau-Aufstand: Ursachen, Charakter und Gewaltanwendung Ursachen des Konflikts Formierung von Widerstand und der Weg in den Krieg Im Oktober rief der Gouverneur von Kenia, Sir Evelyn Baring, wegen eines Kikuyu-Aufstandes (Mau-Mau-Verschwörung) den Ausnahmezustand aus - von.
Mau Mau Aufstand Inhaltsverzeichnis VideoCLIPS FROM \
2016 Wahrheitsserum Leonard Mau Mau Aufstand in Miami die Mau Mau Aufstand frs Leben. - Bachelorarbeit, 2020Kolonialgeschichte des südlichen Afrikas.
Obwohl die Mau-Mau-Rebellion militärisch besiegt war, blieben die Lager erhalten und wurden erst auf Druck der britischen Öffentlichkeit, insbesondere einiger Labour-Abgeordneter im Parlament, geschlossen.
Die enormen Kosten des Krieges gegen Mau-Mau und der Unterdrückung von Befreiungsbewegungen in anderen Teilen des Empire trugen sicherlich ebenfalls zu dieser Entscheidung bei.
Vor der Unabhängigkeit wurden einige Veränderungen vollzogen: bereits wurden acht afrikanische Mitglieder in den Legislative Council gewählt und , der Wendepunkt afrikanischer Repräsentanz, wählte man 25 Afrikaner, 15 Asiaten, 5 Araber und 46 Europäer.
Aus der Kenya African Union hatten sich die KANU Kenya African National Union und KADU Kenya African Democratic Union gebildet.
Im Mai wurden die ersten Wahlen mit gleichem Stimmrecht abgehalten und am Die genaue Zahl der Opfer des Aufstands ist unbekannt.
Auf britischer Seite starben 63 Soldaten und 33 Siedler, des Weiteren mehr als einheimische Polizei- und Unterstützungskräfte.
Die offizielle Angabe für die Verluste auf Seiten der Rebellen liegt bei Die Zahl der von den Briten Hingerichteten liegt bei über 1.
Wikimedia Foundation. Mau-Mau-Aufstand — Die Mau Mau Bewegung war eine Unabhängigkeitsbewegung in Kenia, die sich gegen die britische Kolonialherrschaft wandte.
Mau-Mau-Bewegung — Die Mau Mau Bewegung war eine Unabhängigkeitsbewegung in Kenia, die sich gegen die britische Kolonialherrschaft wandte.
Mau-Mau Kenia — Die Mau Mau Bewegung war eine Unabhängigkeitsbewegung in Kenia, die sich gegen die britische Kolonialherrschaft wandte.
Mau-Mau — Mau Mau, das; [s] [nach dem Ruf des das Spiel beendenden Spielers, H. Bruce Berman argues that, "While Mau Mau was clearly not a tribal activism seeking a return to the past, the answer to the question of 'was it nationalism?
Philip Mitchell retired as Kenya's governor in summer , having turned a blind eye to Mau Mau's increasing activity. The British army accepted the gravity of the uprising months before the politicians, but its appeals to London and Nairobi were ignored.
Aside from military operations against Mau Mau fighters in the forests, the British attempt to defeat the movement broadly came in two stages: the first, relatively limited in scope, came during the period in which they had still failed to accept the seriousness of the revolt; the second came afterwards.
During the first stage, the British tried to decapitate the movement by declaring a State of Emergency before arresting alleged Mau Mau leaders see Operation Jock Scott below and subjecting six of them to a show trial the Kapenguria Six ; the second stage began in earnest in , when they undertook a series of major economic, military and penal initiatives.
The second stage had three main planks: a large military-sweep of Nairobi leading to the internment of tens of thousands of the city's suspected Mau Mau members and sympathisers see Operation Anvil below ; the enacting of major agrarian reform the Swynnerton Plan ; and the institution of a vast villagisation programme for more than a million rural Kikuyu see below.
In , the UK government accepted that prisoners had suffered " torture and ill-treatment at the hands of the colonial administration".
The harshness of the British response was inflated by two factors. First, the settler government in Kenya was, even before the insurgency, probably the most openly racist one in the British empire, with the settlers' violent prejudice attended by an uncompromising determination to retain their grip on power  and half-submerged fears that, as a tiny minority, they could be overwhelmed by the indigenous population.
Resistance to both the Mau Mau and the British response was illustrated by Ciokaraine M'Barungu who famously asked that the British colonial forces not destroy the food used by her villagers, potentially starving the entire region.
Instead, she urged the colonial forces guard the yams and bananas and stop the Mau Mau from killing any more residents.
A variety of coercive techniques were initiated by the colonial authorities to punish and break Mau Mau's support: Baring ordered punitive communal-labour, collective fines and other collective punishments, and further confiscation of land and property.
By early , tens of thousands of head of livestock had been taken, and were allegedly never returned. On 20 October , Governor Baring signed an order declaring a state of emergency.
Early the next morning, Operation Jock Scott was launched: the British carried out a mass-arrest of Jomo Kenyatta and other alleged Mau Mau leaders within Nairobi.
Thus, while the moderates on the wanted list awaited capture, the real militants, such as Dedan Kimathi and Stanley Mathenge both later principal leaders of Mau Mau's forest armies , fled to the forests.
The day after the round up, another prominent loyalist chief, Nderi, was hacked to pieces,  and a series of gruesome murders against settlers were committed throughout the months that followed.
For the next year, the Service's A. MacDonald would reorganise the Special Branch of the Kenya Police, promote collaboration with Special Branches in adjacent territories, and oversee coordination of all intelligence activity "to secure the intelligence Government requires".
In January , six of the most prominent detainees from Jock Scott, including Kenyatta, were put on trial , primarily to justify the declaration of the Emergency to critics in London.
Native Kenyan political activity was permitted to resume at the end of the military phase of the Emergency.
The onset of the Emergency led hundreds, and eventually thousands, of Mau Mau adherents to flee to the forests, where a decentralised leadership had already begun setting up platoons.
By September , the British knew the leading personalities in Mau Mau, and the capture and 68 hour interrogation of General China on 15 January the following year provided a massive intelligence boost on the forest fighters.
Once gangs had been driven out and eliminated, loyalist forces and police were then to take over the area, with military support brought in thereafter only to conduct any required pacification operations.
After their successful dispersion and containment, Erskine went after the forest fighters' source of supplies, money and recruits, i. This took the form of Operation Anvil, which commenced on 24 April By , Nairobi was regarded as the nerve centre of Mau Mau operations.
All native Kenyans were taken to temporary barbed-wire enclosures. Those who were not Kikuyu, Embu or Meru were released; those who were remained in detention for screening.
Whilst the operation itself was conducted by Europeans, most suspected members of Mau Mau were picked out of groups of the Kikuyu-Embu-Meru detainees by a native Kenyan informer.
Male suspects were then taken off for further screening, primarily at Langata Screening Camp, whilst women and children were readied for 'repatriation' to the reserves many of those slated for deportation had never set foot in the reserves before.
Anvil lasted for two weeks, after which the capital had been cleared of all but certifiably loyal Kikuyu; 20, Mau Mau suspects had been taken to Langata, and 30, more had been deported to the reserves.
For an extended period of time, the chief British weapon against the forest fighters was air power. Between June and October , the RAF provided a significant contribution to the conflict—and, indeed, had to, for the army was preoccupied with providing security in the reserves until January , and it was the only service capable of both psychologically influencing and inflicting considerable casualties on the Mau Mau fighters operating in the dense forests.
Lack of timely and accurate intelligence meant bombing was rather haphazard, but almost insurgents had been killed or wounded by air attacks by June , and it did cause forest gangs to disband, lower their morale, and induce their pronounced relocation from the forests to the reserves.
At first armed Harvard training aircraft were used, for direct ground support and also some camp interdiction. Some light aircraft of the Police Air Wing also provided support.
After the Lari massacre, for example, British planes dropped leaflets showing graphic pictures of the Kikuyu women and children who had been hacked to death.
Unlike the rather indiscriminate activities of British ground forces, the use of air power was more restrained though there is disagreement  on this point , and air attacks were initially permitted only in the forests.
Operation Mushroom extended bombing beyond the forest limits in May , and Churchill consented to its continuation in January Baring knew the massive deportations to the already-overcrowded reserves could only make things worse.
Refusing to give more land to the Kikuyu in the reserves, which could have been seen as a concession to Mau Mau, Baring turned instead in to Roger Swynnerton, Kenya's assistant director of agriculture.
The projected costs of the Swynnerton Plan were too high for the cash-strapped colonial government, so Baring tweaked repatriation and augmented the Swynnerton Plan with plans for a massive expansion of the Pipeline coupled with a system of work camps to make use of detainee labour.
All Kikuyu employed for public works projects would now be employed on Swynnerton's poor-relief programmes, as would many detainees in the work camps.
When the mass deportations of Kikuyu to the reserves began in , Baring and Erskine ordered all Mau Mau suspects to be screened.
Of the scores of screening camps which sprang up, only fifteen were officially sanctioned by the colonial government.
Larger detention camps were divided into compounds. The screening centres were staffed by settlers who had been appointed temporary district-officers by Baring.
Thomas Askwith, the official tasked with designing the British 'detention and rehabilitation' programme during the summer and autumn of , termed his system the Pipeline.
The Pipeline operated a white-grey-black classification system: 'whites' were cooperative detainees, and were repatriated back to the reserves; 'greys' had been oathed but were reasonably compliant, and were moved down the Pipeline to works camps in their local districts before release; and 'blacks' were the so-called 'hard core' of Mau Mau.
These were moved up the Pipeline to special detention camps. Thus a detainee's position in Pipeline was a straightforward reflection of how cooperative the Pipeline personnel deemed her or him to be.
Cooperation was itself defined in terms of a detainee's readiness to confess their Mau Mau oath. Detainees were screened and re-screened for confessions and intelligence, then re-classified accordingly.
A detainee's journey between two locations along the Pipeline could sometimes last days. During transit, there was frequently little or no food and water provided, and seldom any sanitation.
Once in camp, talking was forbidden outside the detainees' accommodation huts, though improvised communication was rife.
Such communication included propaganda and disinformation, which went by such names as the Kinongo Times , designed to encourage fellow detainees not to give up hope and so to minimise the number of those who confessed their oath and cooperated with camp authorities.
Forced labour was performed by detainees on projects like the thirty-seven-mile-long South Yatta irrigation furrow. During the first year after Operation Anvil, colonial authorities had little success in forcing detainees to cooperate.
Camps and compounds were overcrowded, forced-labour systems were not yet perfected, screening teams were not fully coordinated, and the use of torture was not yet systematised.
Officials could scarcely process them all, let alone get them to confess their oaths. Assessing the situation in the summer of , Alan Lennox-Boyd wrote of his "fear that the net figure of detainees may still be rising.
If so the outlook is grim. It was possible for detainees to bribe guards in order to obtain items or stay punishment.
By late , however, the Pipeline had become a fully operational, well-organised system. Guards were regularly shifted around the Pipeline too in order to prevent relationships developing with detainees and so undercut the black markets, and inducements and punishments became better at discouraging fraternising with the enemy.
Most detainees confessed, and the system produced ever greater numbers of spies and informers within the camps, while others switched sides in a more open, official fashion, leaving detention behind to take an active role in interrogations, even sometimes administering beatings.
The most famous example of side-switching was Peter Muigai Kenyatta—Jomo Kenyatta's son—who, after confessing, joined screeners at Athi River Camp, later travelling throughout the Pipeline to assist in interrogations.
While oathing, for practical reasons, within the Pipeline was reduced to an absolute minimum, as many new initiates as possible were oathed.
A newcomer who refused to take the oath often faced the same fate as a recalcitrant outside the camps: they were murdered.
Commandants were told to clamp down hard on intra-camp oathing, with several commandants hanging anyone suspected of administering oaths. Even as the Pipeline became more sophisticated, detainees still organised themselves within it, setting up committees and selecting leaders for their camps, as well as deciding on their own "rules to live by".
Perhaps the most famous compound leader was Josiah Mwangi Kariuki. Punishments for violating the "rules to live by" could be severe.
European missionaries and native Kenyan Christians played their part by visiting camps to evangelise and encourage compliance with the colonial authorities, providing intelligence, and sometimes even assisting in interrogation.
Detainees regarded such preachers with nothing but contempt. The lack of decent sanitation in the camps meant that epidemics of diseases such as typhoid swept through them.
Official medical reports detailing the shortcomings of the camps and their recommendations were ignored, and the conditions being endured by detainees were lied about and denied.
While the Pipeline was primarily designed for adult males, a few thousand women and young girls were detained at an all-women camp at Kamiti, as well as a number of unaccompanied young children.
Dozens of babies  were born to women in captivity: "We really do need these cloths for the children as it is impossible to keep them clean and tidy while dressed on dirty pieces of sacking and blanket", wrote one colonial officer.
There were originally two types of works camps envisioned by Baring: the first type were based in Kikuyu districts with the stated purpose of achieving the Swynnerton Plan; the second were punitive camps, designed for the 30, Mau Mau suspects who were deemed unfit to return to the reserves.
These forced-labour camps provided a much needed source of labour to continue the colony's infrastructure development.
Colonial officers also saw the second sort of works camps as a way of ensuring that any confession was legitimate and as a final opportunity to extract intelligence.
Probably the worst works camp to have been sent to was the one run out of Embakasi Prison, for Embakasi was responsible for the Embakasi Airport , the construction of which was demanded to be finished before the Emergency came to an end.
The airport was a massive project with an unquenchable thirst for labour, and the time pressures ensured the detainees' forced labour was especially hard.
If military operations in the forests and Operation Anvil were the first two phases of Mau Mau's defeat, Erskine expressed the need and his desire for a third and final phase: cut off all the militants' support in the reserves.
So it was that in June , the War Council took the decision to undertake a full-scale forced-resettlement programme of Kiambu, Nyeri, Murang'a and Embu Districts to cut off Mau Mau's supply lines.
While some of these villages were to protect loyalist Kikuyu, "most were little more than concentration camps to punish Mau Mau sympathizers.
He noted, however, that the British should have "no illusions about the future. Mau Mau has not been cured: it has been suppressed.
The thousands who have spent a long time in detention must have been embittered by it. Nationalism is still a very potent force and the African will pursue his aim by other means.
Kenya is in for a very tricky political future. The government's public relations officer, Granville Roberts, presented villagisation as a good opportunity for rehabilitation, particularly of women and children, but it was, in fact, first and foremost designed to break Mau Mau and protect loyalist Kikuyu, a fact reflected in the extremely limited resources made available to the Rehabilitation and Community Development Department.
The villages were surrounded by deep, spike-bottomed trenches and barbed wire, and the villagers themselves were watched over by members of the Home Guard, often neighbours and relatives.
In short, rewards or collective punishments such as curfews could be served much more readily after villagisation, and this quickly broke Mau Mau's passive wing.
The Red Cross helped mitigate the food shortages, but even they were told to prioritise loyalist areas.
One of the colony's ministers blamed the "bad spots" in Central Province on the mothers of the children for "not realis[ing] the great importance of proteins", and one former missionary reported that it "was terribly pitiful how many of the children and the older Kikuyu were dying.
They were so emaciated and so very susceptible to any kind of disease that came along". The lack of food did not just affect the children, of course.
The Overseas Branch of the British Red Cross commented on the "women who, from progressive undernourishment, had been unable to carry on with their work".
Disease prevention was not helped by the colony's policy of returning sick detainees to receive treatment in the reserves,  though the reserves' medical services were virtually non-existent, as Baring himself noted after a tour of some villages in June Kenyans were granted nearly  all of the demands made by the KAU in On 18 January , the Governor-General of Kenya, Evelyn Baring , offered an amnesty to Mau Mau activists.
The offer was that they would not face prosecution for previous offences, but may still be detained.
European settlers were appalled at the leniency of the offer. On 10 June with no response forthcoming, the offer of amnesty to the Mau Mau was revoked.
In June , a programme of land reform increased the land holdings of the Kikuyu. This was coupled with a relaxation of the ban on native Kenyans growing coffee, a primary cash crop.
In the cities the colonial authorities decided to dispel tensions by raising urban wages, thereby strengthening the hand of moderate union organisations like the KFRTU.
By , the British had granted direct election of native Kenyan members of the Legislative Assembly, followed shortly thereafter by an increase in the number of local seats to fourteen.
A Parliamentary conference in January indicated that the British would accept "one person—one vote" majority rule.
The number of deaths attributable to the Emergency is disputed. David Anderson estimates 25,  people died; British demographer John Blacker's estimate is 50, deaths—half of them children aged ten or below.
He attributes this death toll mostly to increased malnutrition, starvation and disease from wartime conditions. Caroline Elkins says "tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands" died.
His study dealt directly with Elkins' claim that "somewhere between , and , Kikuyu are unaccounted for" at the census,  and was read by both David Anderson and John Lonsdale prior to publication.
The British possibly killed more than 20, Mau Mau militants,  but in some ways more notable is the smaller number of Mau Mau suspects dealt with by capital punishment: by the end of the Emergency, the total was 1, At no other time or place in the British empire was capital punishment dispensed so liberally—the total is more than double the number executed by the French in Algeria.
Author Wangari Maathai indicates that more than one hundred thousand Africans, mostly Kikuyus, may have died in the fortified villages.
Officially 1, Native Kenyans were killed by the Mau Mau. David Anderson believes this to be an undercount and cites a higher figure of 5, killed by the Mau Mau.
War crimes have been broadly defined by the Nuremberg principles as "violations of the laws or customs of war ", which includes massacres , bombings of civilian targets, terrorism , mutilation , torture , and murder of detainees and prisoners of war.
Additional common crimes include theft , arson , and the destruction of property not warranted by military necessity.
David Anderson's says the rebellion was "a story of atrocity and excess on both sides, a dirty war from which no one emerged with much pride, and certainly no glory".
One settler's description of British interrogation. The British authorities suspended civil liberties in Kenya.
Many Kikuyu were forced to move. Between , and , of them were interned. Most of the rest — more than a million — were held in "enclosed villages" also known as concentration camps.
Although some were Mau Mau guerrillas, most were victims of collective punishment that colonial authorities imposed on large areas of the country.
Hundreds of thousands were beaten or sexually assaulted to extract information about the Mau Mau threat. Later, prisoners suffered even worse mistreatment in an attempt to force them to renounce their allegiance to the insurgency and to obey commands.
Prisoners were questioned with the help of "slicing off ears, boring holes in eardrums, flogging until death, pouring paraffin over suspects who were then set alight, and burning eardrums with lit cigarettes".
Castration by British troops and denying access to medical aid to the detainees were also widespread and common. According to his widow, British soldiers forced pins into his fingernails and buttocks and squeezed his testicles between metal rods and two others were castrated.
The historian Robert Edgerton describes the methods used during the emergency: "If a question was not answered to the interrogator's satisfaction, the subject was beaten and kicked.
If that did not lead to the desired confession, and it rarely did, more force was applied. Electric shock was widely used, and so was fire.
Women were choked and held under water; gun barrels, beer bottles, and even knives were thrust into their vaginas. Men had beer bottles thrust up their rectums, were dragged behind Land Rovers, whipped, burned and bayoneted Some police officers did not bother with more time-consuming forms of torture; they simply shot any suspect who refused to answer, then told the next suspect, to dig his own grave.
When the grave was finished, the man was asked if he would now be willing to talk. In June , Eric Griffith-Jones , the attorney general of the British administration in Kenya, wrote to the Governor , Sir Evelyn Baring , detailing the way the regime of abuse at the colony's detention camps was being subtly altered.
He said that the mistreatment of the detainees is "distressingly reminiscent of conditions in Nazi Germany or Communist Russia ".
Despite this, he said that in order for abuse to remain legal, Mau Mau suspects must be beaten mainly on their upper body, "vulnerable parts of the body should not be struck, particularly the spleen, liver or kidneys", and it was important that "those who administer violence He also reminded the governor that "If we are going to sin", he wrote, "we must sin quietly.
Author Wangari Maathai indicates that in , three out of every four Kikuyu men were in detention, and that land was taken from detainees and given to collaborators.
Detainees were pushed into forced labor. Maathai also notes that the Home Guard were especially known to rape women. The Home Guard's reputation for cruelty in the form of terror and intimidation was well known, whereas the Mau Mau soldiers were initially respectful of women.
The Chuka Massacre , which happened in Chuka, Kenya , was perpetrated by members of the King's African Rifles B Company in June with 20 unarmed people killed during the Mau Mau uprising.
Members of the 5th KAR B Company entered the Chuka area on 13 June , to flush out rebels suspected of hiding in the nearby forests.
Over the next few days, the regiment had captured and executed 20 people suspected of being Mau Mau fighters for unknown reasons.
The people executed belonged to the Kikuyu Home Guard — a loyalist militia recruited by the British to fight the guerrillas. Nobody ever stood trial for the massacre.
The Hola massacre was an incident during the conflict in Kenya against British colonial rule at a colonial detention camp in Hola, Kenya.
By January , the camp had a population of detainees, of whom were held in a secluded "closed camp". This more remote camp near Garissa , eastern Kenya, was reserved for the most uncooperative of the detainees.
They often refused, even when threats of force were made, to join in the colonial "rehabilitation process" or perform manual labour or obey colonial orders.
The camp commandant outlined a plan that would force 88 of the detainees to bend to work. On 3 March , the camp commandant put this plan into action — as a result, 11 detainees were clubbed to death by guards.
Mau Mau militants were guilty of numerous war crimes. The most notorious was their attack on the settlement of Lari , on the night of 25—26 March , in which they herded men, women and children into huts and set fire to them, hacking down with machetes anyone who attempted escape, before throwing them back into the burning huts.
If I see one now I shall shoot with the greatest eagerness ' ",  and it "even shocked many Mau Mau supporters, some of whom would subsequently try to excuse the attack as 'a mistake ' ".
A retaliatory massacre was immediately perpetrated by Kenyan security forces who were partially overseen by British commanders. Official estimates place the death toll from the first Lari massacre at 74, and the second at , though neither of these figures account for those who 'disappeared'.
Whatever the actual number of victims, "[t]he grim truth was that, for every person who died in Lari's first massacre, at least two more were killed in retaliation in the second.
Aside from the Lari massacres, Kikuyu were also tortured, mutilated and murdered by Mau Mau on many other occasions.
The best known European victim was Michael Ruck, aged six, who was hacked to death with pangas along with his parents, Roger and Esme, and one of the Rucks' farm workers, Muthura Nagahu, who had tried to help the family.
In , the poisonous latex of the African milk bush was used by members of Mau Mau to kill cattle in an incident of biological warfare.
Although Mau Mau was effectively crushed by the end of , it was not until the First Lancaster House Conference , in January , that native Kenyan majority rule was established and the period of colonial transition to independence initiated.
There is continuing debate about Mau Mau's and the rebellion's effects on decolonisation and on Kenya after independence. Regarding decolonisation, the most common view is that Kenya's independence came about as a result of the British government's deciding that a continuance of colonial rule would entail a greater use of force than that which the British public would tolerate.
It has been argued that the conflict helped set the stage for Kenyan independence in December ,  or at least secured the prospect of Black-majority rule once the British left.
On the 12th of December , President Kenyatta issued an amnesty to Mau Mau fighters to surrender to the government.
Some Mau Mau members insisted that they should get land and be absorbed into the civil service and Kenya army. On the 28th of January , the Kenyatta government sent the Kenya army to Meru district, where Mau Mau fighters gathered under the leadership of Field Marshall Mwariama and Field Marshall Baimungi.
These leaders and several Mau Mau fighters were killed. On the 14th of January , the Minister for Defence Dr Njoroge Mungai was quoted in the Daily Nation saying: "They are now outlaws, who will be pursued and brought to punishment.
They must be outlawed as well in the minds of all the people of Kenya. On 12 September , the British government unveiled a Mau Mau memorial statue in Nairobi's Uhuru Park that it had funded "as a symbol of reconciliation between the British government, the Mau Mau, and all those who suffered".
This followed a June decision by Britain to compensate more than 5, Kenyans it tortured and abused during the Mau Mau insurgency.
Once the ban was removed, former Mau Mau members who had been castrated or otherwise tortured were supported by the Kenya Human Rights Commission, in particular by the commission's George Morara, in their attempt to take on the British government;   their lawyers had amassed 6, depositions regarding human rights abuses by late Oktober Opfer eines organisierten Anschlags geworden, ausgeführt nach Anleitung der Mau-Mau-Führer.
Das Attentat schockte die kenianische Gesellschaft; es zeigte, mit welcher Entschlossenheit die Mau-Mau auch gegen hochrangige Personen im Land vorzugehen bereit war.
Die Spur führte zur Koinange-Familie, allerdings ist stets unklar geblieben, inwieweit die etablierten Politiker der KAU damit zu tun hatten.
Die kenianische Regierung allerdings kam zu der Überzeugung, dass die KAU und Mau-Mau miteinander identisch waren. Tatsächlich unterschieden sich beide sehr.
Die radikale Reaktion der Regierung in der Folge dieses Anschlages führte jedoch erst zur wirklichen Konfrontation.
Am Oktober verkündete Baring den Ausnahmezustand. Zugleich wurden in der Nacht zum Oktober mit der Operation Jock Scott alle bekannten Mitglieder des Kiambaa Parliament sowie hochrangige Mitglieder der KAU verhaftet, darunter Kenyatta und zehn Mitglieder der Koinange-Familie.
Einige der von Verhaftung Bedrohten konnten fliehen und sich in den Wäldern verbergen, darunter Dedan Kimathi und Stanley Mathenge , beide spätere Anführer der Mau-Mau-Armee in den Wäldern.
Tatsächlich wurden bei dieser Aktion aber vor allem die moderaten Anführer der antikolonialen Kikuyu in Haft genommen, während die radikaleren vermutlich durch Spione unter den afrikanischen Angestellten der Regierung von der geplanten Verhaftungswelle erfahren hatten.
Fast alle der mehr als Verhafteten wurden zu fünf- bis siebenjährigen Gefängnisstrafen verurteilt. Der Prozess gegen Kenyatta als Hauptverdächtigen wurde trotz seiner prominenten Staranwälte zu einem Schauprozess.
Nur ausgesuchte Journalisten waren anwesend, alle Informationen für die Öffentlichkeit wurden streng überwacht. Trotz dünner Beweislage wurde auch Kenyatta zu sieben Jahren Haft in einem Gefängnis im Norden Kenias, in Lodwar , verurteilt.
Die Operation Jock Scott sollte den Mau-Mau die Handlungsfähigkeit nehmen und die Polizei, unterstützt vom Militär, sollte für die Wiedereinführung von Ruhe und Ordnung sorgen.
Darüber hinaus wurden mit dem Ersten Bataillon der Lancashire Fusiliers aus Ägypten auch britische Truppen nach Nairobi verlegt. Die Mau-Mau-Kämpfer hingegen waren zu diesem Zeitpunkt kaum organisiert, ihre Struktur basierte auf den Verbindungen des in Nairobi ansässigen Muhimu mit den einzelnen Distrikten.
Zwar sammelte man in ihren Reihen bereits seit einiger Zeit Waffen und Munition, auch ein Spionagenetz funktionierte überraschend gut.
Es gab jedoch kaum Quartiere oder eine militärische Struktur, die ein geeintes und organisiertes Vorgehen erlaubte.
Auf die Aktivitäten der Regierung allerdings reagierten die Mau-Mau mit einer entschlosseneren Planung. Neben der Regierung und den Mau-Mau rüsteten auch die zivilen Fronten auf.
Mit Ausrufung des Ausnahmezustandes stieg die Mitgliederzahl in der Reservistengruppe stark an. Im Prinzip handelte es sich dabei um eine Miliz , die auf den weit voneinander entfernt gelegenen europäischen Farmen einander Schutz bot und in Selbstjustiz Mau-Mau-Verdächtige verhaftete, misshandelte und tötete.
Nach diesem Vorbild begannen auch afrikanische Chiefs, Grundbesitzer, Älteste und Geschäftsmänner in den Reservaten, mit eigenen Mitteln Milizen aufzubauen.
Die sogenannten Home Guards sollten Geschäfte und Privatpersonen, Höfe und Ernten vor Brandstiftung, Plünderung und Mord schützen und für die Aufrechterhaltung der öffentlichen Ordnung sorgen.
Mit dieser Entwicklung bis zum Ende des Jahres wuchsen Angst, Brutalität und die Entschlossenheit zu kompromisslosem Vorgehen mehr und mehr, insbesondere, da alle Parteien die Regierung auch weiterhin nicht für fähig hielten, die Mau-Mau unter Kontrolle zu bekommen.
Wachsender Unmut der kenianischen Bevölkerung gegen die Landaneignung europäischer Siedler führte zu einem Aufstand gegen die britische Kolonialmacht.
Nachdem die Kolonialbehörden zahlreiche Beschwerden von Vertretern der afrikanischen Volksgruppen ignoriert hatten, kam es zu ersten gewalttätigen Ausschreitungen.
Ein Jahr später begann der Geheimbund Mau-Mau, dem überwiegend Mitglieder der Kikuyu-Volksgruppe angehörten, den bewaffneten Kampf gegen die Europäer.
Die Briten riefen im Oktober den Ausnahmezustand aus und sandten Truppen nach Kenia. Der moderate Nationalist Jomo Kenyatta , Vorsitzender der von Kikuyu dominierten Kenya African Union , wurde verhaftet, der Anstiftung zu dem Aufstand angeklagt und zu sieben Jahren Gefängnis verurteilt.
Bis zur endgültigen Niederschlagung des Aufstandes kamen nach offiziellen Angaben etwa Mau-Mau-Kämpfer sowie auf Seiten der Sicherheitskräfte Afrikaner und 63 Europäer ums Leben.
Die politischen Organisationen blieben verboten, der Ausnahmezustand wurde erst am Januar aufgehoben. Für Kenia war der Mau-Mau-Aufstand der Beginn einer Entwicklung, an deren Ende die Unabhängigkeit am Dezember stand.
Zur gleichen Zeit bildeten sich in der Hauptstadt Nairobi revolutionäre Gewerkschaftsbewegungen und Parteien, wie die Kenya African Union KAU , die später die Führung des Aufstands übernahmen.
Hieraus bildete sich auch die Forty Group. Ihnen ging es um weitergehende Ziele wie die Unabhängigkeit und den Abzug der britischen Militär- und Siedlermacht.
Die Gewalt zwang den Führer der KAU, Jomo Kenyatta , zu mehreren Stellungnahmen, in denen er dem Radikalismus der Mau-Mau öffentlich abschwor.
Eine der immer wieder gestellten und letztlich wahrscheinlich nicht umfassend zu beantwortenden Fragen ist die nach seiner wirklichen Rolle im Mau-Mau-Freiheitskampf.
Er war nicht mit den Methoden dieses Kampfes einverstanden, stand aber auch diesem Teil seines Volkes nahe, denn diese Kämpfer wollten ebenfalls die Kolonialherrschaft der Briten beenden.
Insofern hatte man gemeinsame Ziele, nur nicht die gleichen Wege. Er verstand es aber immer, die Übergriffe der Mau-Mau-Kämpfer politisch zu nutzen, wodurch zum Beispiel der Widerstandswille der Bevölkerung nach dem Zusammenbruch des Mau-Mau keineswegs erlahmt war.
Die Mau-Mau-Kämpfer wurden aber nie in irgendeiner Form kompensiert oder von Kenyatta an der Macht beteiligt. Nach der Einsetzung des neuen Gouverneurs Evelyn Baring entschloss sich die britische Regierung, den Widerständlern entschlossener entgegenzutreten.
Sie zog Truppen zusammen und erklärte am Oktober den Ausnahmezustand. Noch am gleichen Tag wurde Kenyatta zusammen mit weiteren Kikuyu-Führern verhaftet und später vor Gericht gestellt.
Armeen von Kikuyu-Freiheitskämpfern gingen daraufhin in die Wälder des Mount-Kenya-Massivs und der Aberdares , um einen Guerillakrieg gegen die europäischen Siedler zu führen.
Dabei erhielten sie Unterstützung aus den Städten und von der Landbevölkerung. Farmen und Polizeistationen wurden angegriffen und Siedler ebenso wie Kollaborateure getötet.
Die Briten reagierten mit Angriffen auf Rebellenverstecke und Umsiedlungsaktionen, die den Rückhalt der Bewegung zerstören sollten.
Der Ausnahmezustand blieb noch bis zum Januar in Kraft. Grundsätzlich orientierte sich Baring an der erfolgreichen britischen Aufstandsbekämpfung in Malaya seit und wollte die dort erprobte Doppelstrategie aus militärischer und polizeilicher Härte sowie sozialen und politischen Zugeständnissen umsetzen.
Allerdings stimmte die britische Regierung erst im Sommer der zivilen Komponente zu, so dass bis zu deren Umsetzung bereits fast ein Jahr lang Internierungen und militärische Offensiven geherrscht hatten.
Zu diesem Zeitpunkt begann Baring dann zusammen mit dem neuen militärischen Kommandeur George Erskine Koordinationsstrukturen für Militär, Polizei und Zivilverwaltung einzureichten.
Zudem lief ein Programm zum Aufbau von Infrastruktur in ländlichen Gebieten und zur Unterstützung einheimischer Bauern an. Darüber hinaus wurden Kikuyu in Dörfer mit besserer Nahrungsmittelversorgung und Schulen umgesiedelt.
Ihr Hauptziel war der Sturz der britischen Herrschaft und die Entfernung europäischer Siedler aus dem Land.
Die vier Hauptursachen der Revolte waren:. Kikuyu wurde von militanten Nationalisten, die sich den konservativen Elementen ihrer Gesellschaft widersetzten, unter Druck gesetzt, den Mau-Mau-Eid zu leisten.
Die kenianische Regierung verhängte in drei Distrikten am Stadtrand von Nairobi eine Ausgangssperre, in der Banden von Brandstiftern, von denen angenommen wurde, dass sie Mitglieder der Mau Mau sind, die Häuser von Afrikanern in Brand steckten, die sich weigerten, den Eid zu leisten.
Er hatte sich kürzlich gegen eine zunehmende Mau-Mau-Aggression gegen die Kolonialherrschaft ausgesprochen.
Die britische Regierung kündigte an, Truppen nach Kenia zu entsenden, um den Kampf gegen die Mau Mau zu unterstützen.
Mit dem bevorstehenden Eintreffen britischer Truppen erklärte die kenianische Regierung nach einem Monat zunehmender Feindseligkeit den Ausnahmezustand.
In den vergangenen vier Wochen wurden in Nairobi mehr als 40 Menschen ermordet, und die Mau Mau, offiziell als Terroristen deklariert, erwarb Schusswaffen, um sie neben traditionelleren Pangas einzusetzen.
Im Rahmen des allgemeinen Vorgehens wurde Kenyatta , Präsident der Afrikanischen Union Kenias, wegen angeblicher Beteiligung von Mau Mau festgenommen.
Kenyatta, der führende nationalistische Führer des Landes, wurde beauftragt, die Mau-Mau-Terrorgesellschaft in Kenia zu verwalten.
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